In contrast to Britain, the figuration of multiculturalism in the United States has produced much greater social reverberations and contested theoretical resolutions. This is hardly surprising, considering that the main institutional sites for the multicultural debates in Britain were primary and secondary school education, while in the United States it was the university. What became known as the "culture wars" in the United States during the mid-1980's into the 1990's, politicized and expanded the concept of multiculturalism beyond the parameters of race and ethnicity, into the discourses of gender and sexuality conceived as socially repressed cultural differences. The culture wars engaged and enraged university teaching, book publishing and public journalism. Stimulating a searing calling into question as well as the implacable defense of the cultural American mainstream, the culture wars produced an impassionate politics of knowledge in which interrogations of the exclusionary racial, gender, sexual and class formations of the nation were reactivated as themes relevant not only to the democratic ideals of citizenship but to the epistemology of many academic disciplines. Once it was widely perceived that the western canon was under assault, this sparkled a counter-reformation. The discourse of multiculturalism in the United States touched political nerves which were irreducible to the nervous system of either Left or Right. It has been variously lampooned as "political correctness"; the critique of the hegemony of "dead white males" in knowledge production; or the attempt to overturn western civilization by substituting for the "classics" lesser readings based not on scholarly values but on ethnic and gender proportionality. More considered critics have seen it a feverish post-modern embrace of relativism in knowledge (whether scientific or moral) and an irrational, ethnicized opposition to universalism which eschews a broad-based politics (i.e. organized against the social inequalities of material interests), favoring instead an identity politics organized around the virtues of cultural recognition. The trouble with criticisms of this nature is that whatever merits they contain are ill-served by their inability to distinguish exactly the object of their critique. That there are various multiculturalisms in the politics of multiculturalism is perhaps the chief contribution of the United States' experience to the debate, but this is not yet something that the critique of multiculturalism has managed to take on board. As Cynthia Willet puts it in her anthology of philosophical arguments, "Multiculturalism has not yet been fully theorized. In part the lack of a unifying theory stems from the fact that multiculturalism as a political, social and cultural movement has aimed to respect a multiplicity of diverging perspectives outside of dominant traditions". Admittedly, this may be the over-idealization of a provisional and pragmatic set of circumstances but it does point to the need to understand the politics of multiculturalism(s) as articulating, in critique of dominant, oppressive traditions, different specifications of the logic of the multicultural in the fields of knowledge and representation. Understanding these dominant traditions within the logic of the multicultural suggests the need for coalitions and co-production in knowledge formation which takes seriously the "local memories" and "subjugated knowledge" (according to Foucault) whose exclusion and repression shore up the dominant tradition as an unquestionably valorized (western) universal foundation. In the United States (as in Britain), it is the colonial institutions of the western foundation of power and knowledge which, despite concomitant developments in liberalism and subsequent formulations of representative democracy, have yet to experience significant decolonization. At its best, the politics of multiculturalism in the United States has raised serious doubts and consternation
(HESSE, B. Un/settled Multiculturalisms, 2000)
Based on Hesse's text, analyse the assertions below.
I. Multiculturalism is as diverse as the spectrum of questions that it encompasses; therefore it must be called multiculturalisms.
II. Some participants of the "culture wars" unyieldingly defended American prevalent culture.
III. Critics of multiculturalism have seen it as a post- modern tendency that promotes division instead of union.
The correct assertion(s) is/are
a)
I, only. |
b)
I and II, only. |
c)
II, only. |
d)
II and III, only. |
e)
III, only. |
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